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Nuon Chea : ウィキペディア英語版
Nuon Chea

Nuon Chea ((クメール語:នួន ជា); born 7 July 1926),〔(【引用サイトリンク】title=NUON Chea )〕 also known as Long Bunruot ((クメール語:ឡុង ប៊ុនរត្ន)) or Rungloet Laodi ((タイ語:รุ่งเลิศ เหล่าดี)), is a Cambodian former communist politician who was the chief ideologist of the Khmer Rouge.
He was commonly known as "Brother Number Two", as he was second-in-command to Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot during the Cambodian Genocide of 1975–1979. On 7 August 2014, Nuon Chea received a life sentence for crimes against humanity, alongside another top-tier Khmer Rouge leader, Khieu Samphan. Nuon Chea is the oldest living former Prime Minister and the oldest of the last surviving Khmer Rouge leaders.
==Early life==
Nuon Chea was born as Lau Kim Lorn at Voat Kor, Battambang in 1926. Nuon's father, Lao Liv, worked as a trader as well as a corn farmer, while his mother, Dos Peanh, was a tailor. An interview by a Japanese researcher in 2003 with Nuon Chea quoted that Liv was of Chinese ethnicity while Peanh was the daughter of a Chinese immigrant from Shantou and his Khmer wife,〔Eiji Murashima, (The Young Nuon Chea in Bangkok (1942 1950)and the Communist Party of Thailand: The Life in Bangkok of the Man Who Became “Brother No. 2” in the Khmer Rouge ), Journal of Asia-Pacific Studies (Waseda University) No. 12 (March 2009), retrieved 29 October 2013〕 while Chea had separately quoted that Liv was half-Chinese and Peanh was of full Khmer extraction during a trial proceeding in December 2011.〔Sann Rada, (Transcript of Trial Proceedings–Case File Nº 002/19-09-2007-ECCC/TC ), Day 4–5 December 2011, Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, retrieved 29 October 2013〕 As a child, Nuon Chea was raised in both Chinese and Khmer customs. The family prayed at a Theravada Buddhist temple, but observed Chinese religious customs during the Lunar New Year and Qingming festival. Nuon Chea started school at seven, and was educated in Thai, French and Khmer.〔
In the 1940s, Nuon Chea studied at Thammasat University in Bangkok and worked part-time for the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He began his political activities in the Communist Party of Siam in Bangkok.〔Frings, K. Viviane. ''(Rewriting Cambodian History to 'Adapt' It to a New Political Context: The Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Party's Historiography (1979–1991) )'' in Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 31, No. 4. (Oct. 1997), pp. 807–846.〕 He was elected Deputy General Secretary of the Workers Party of Kampuchea (later renamed as the Communist Party of Kampuchea) in September 1960.〔Chandler, David P., ''(Revising the Past in Democratic Kampuchea: When Was the Birthday of the Party?: Notes and Comments )'', in Pacific Affairs, Vol. 56, No. 2 (Summer, 1983), pp. 288–300.〕 In Democratic Kampuchea, he was generally known as "Brother Number Two." Unlike most of the leaders of Khmer Rouge, Chea did not study in Paris.
As documented in the Soviet archives, Nuon Chea played a major role in negotiating the North Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1970, with the intent of forcing the collapse of Lon Nol's government: "In April–May 1970, many North Vietnamese forces entered Cambodia in response to the call for help addressed to Vietnam not by Pol Pot, but by his deputy Nuon Chea. Nguyen Co Thach recalls: "Nuon Chea has asked for help and we have liberated five provinces of Cambodia in ten days." In 1970, in fact, Vietnamese forces occupied almost a quarter of the territory of Cambodia, and the zone of communist control grew several times, as power in the so-called liberated regions was given to the CPK (Rouge ). At that time relations between Pol Pot and the North Vietnamese leaders were especially warm."〔Dmitry Mosyakov, "The Khmer Rouge and the Vietnamese Communists: A History of Their Relations as Told in the Soviet Archives," in Susan E. Cook, ed., ''Genocide in Cambodia and Rwanda'' Yale Genocide Studies Program Monograph Series No. 1, 2004, p54ff. Available online at: www.yale.edu/gsp/publications/Mosyakov.doc〕 The North Vietnamese trusted Nuon Chea more than Pol Pot or Ieng Sary, although he "consistently and consciously deceived the Vietnamese principals concerning the real plans of the Khmer leadership." As a result, "Hanoi did not undertake any action to change the power pattern within the top ranks of the Communist Party to their own benefit."〔

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